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Fifty Years of Democratic Reform in Tibet
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西藏民主改革50年
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| Fifty Years of Democratic Reform in Tibet | | 西藏民主改革50年 |
The Information Office of the State Council, or China's cabinet, published a white paper titled "Fifty Years of Democratic Reform in Tibet" here on Monday. Following is the full text: | |
中华人民共和国国务院新闻办公室 |
Fifty Years of Democratic Reform in Tibet
Information Office of the State Council of the People's Republic of China | |
二○○九年三月二日·北京 |
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| Contents | | 目 录 |
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| Foreword | | 前 言 |
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| I. Old Tibet -- A Society of Feudal Serfdom under Theocracy | | 一、旧西藏政教合一的封建农奴制社会 |
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| II. Momentous Democratic Reform in Tibet | | 二、波澜壮阔的西藏民主改革 |
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| III. Tremendous Historic Changes over the Past Half-century | | 三、半个世纪西藏的历史性巨变 |
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| Conclusion | | 结束语 |
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| Foreword | | 前 言 |
Tibet has been an inseparable part of China since ancient times. The peaceful liberation of Tibet, the driving out of the imperialist aggressor forces from Tibet, the democratic reform and abolition of theocratic feudal serfdom in Tibet were significant parts of the Chinese people's national democratic revolution against imperialism and feudalism in modern history, as well as major historical tasks facing the Chinese government after the founding of the People's Republic of China in 1949. | |
西藏自古以来就是中国不可分割的一部分。和平解放西藏、驱逐帝国主义侵略势力出西藏，实行民主改革、废除西藏政教合一的封建农奴制度，是近代以来中国人民反帝反封建的民族民主革命的重要组成部分，也是中华人民共和国成立后中国政府面临的重大历史任务。 |
Prior to 1959, Tibet had long been a society of feudal serfdom under theocratic rule, a society which was even darker than medieval society in Europe. The 14th Dalai Lama, as a leader of the Gelug Sect of Tibetan Buddhism and also head of the Tibetan local government, monopolized both political and religious power, and was the chief representative of the feudal serf owners, who, accounting for less than five percent of the total population of Tibet, possessed the overwhelming part of the means of production, and monopolized the material and cultural resources of Tibet. The serfs and slaves, making up over 95 percent of the total population, suffered destitution, cruel oppression and exploitation, and possessed no means of production or personal freedom whatsoever, not to mention other basic human rights. The long centuries of theocratic rule and feudal serfdom stifled the vitality of Tibetan society, and brought about its decline and decay. | |
1959年之前的西藏是一个比欧洲中世纪还要黑暗、落后的政教合一的封建农奴制社会。十四世达赖喇嘛作为藏传佛教格鲁派首领，也是西藏地方政府首脑，集政教大权于一身，是西藏封建农奴主阶级的总代表。占西藏总人口不足5%的农奴主占有着西藏绝大部分生产资料，垄断着西藏的物质精神财富，而占人口95%以上的农奴和奴隶没有生产资料和人身自由，遭受着极其残酷的压迫和剥削，挣扎在极端贫困的悲惨境地中，根本谈不上做人的权利。长期政教合一的封建农奴制统治窒息了西藏社会的生机和活力，使西藏社会日益走向没落和衰败。 |
In 1951, the Agreement of the Central People's Government and the Local Government of Tibet on Measures for the Peaceful Liberation of Tibet (hereinafter the "17-Article Agreement") was signed. The Agreement enabled Tibet to repel the imperialist forces and realize peaceful liberation, and provided basic conditions for Tibet to join the other parts of the country in the drive for common progress and development. | |
1951年，中央人民政府与西藏地方政府签订《关于和平解放西藏办法的协议》（简称《十七条协议》），西藏摆脱了帝国主义侵略势力的羁绊，实现和平解放，为西藏与全国一起实现共同进步与发展创造了基本前提。 |
The "17-Article Agreement" acknowledged the necessity of reforming the social system of Tibet, and stressed that "the local government of Tibet should carry out reform voluntarily." However, in consideration of the special circumstances of Tibet, the Central People's Government adopted a circumspect attitude toward the reform. With great patience, tolerance and sincerity, it made efforts to persuade and waited for the local upper ruling strata of Tibet to carry out reform voluntarily. Instigated and supported by imperialist forces, however, some people in the upper ruling strata, despite the ever-growing demand of the people for democratic reform, were totally opposed to reform and proclaimed their determination never to carry it out. In an attempt to perpetuate feudal serfdom under theocracy, these people publicly abandoned the "17-Article Agreement" and brazenly staged an all-out armed rebellion on March 10, 1959. In order to safeguard the unity of the nation and the basic interests of the Tibetan people, the Central People's Government and the Tibetan people took decisive measures to quell the rebellion. Meanwhile, a vigorous democratic reform were carried out on a massive scale in Tibet to overthrow Tibet's feudal serfdom system under theocracy and liberate about one million serfs and slaves, ushering in a new era with the people becoming their own masters. The democratic reform was the most extensive, deepest and greatest social reform in the history of Tibet, and signified an epoch-making event in Tibet's history of social development and the progress of its human rights, as well as a significant advance in the history of human civilization and the world's human rights development. | |
《十七条协议》肯定了改革西藏社会制度的必要性，强调“西藏地方政府应自动进行改革”，但是，考虑到西藏的特殊情况，中央人民政府对改革采取了十分慎重的态度，以极大的耐心、宽容和诚意，劝说、等待西藏地方上层统治集团主动进行改革。但是，在帝国主义势力策动支持下，西藏上层统治集团的一些人面对人民日益高涨的民主改革要求，根本反对改革，顽固坚持“长期不改，永远不改”，企图永远保持政教合一的封建农奴制度，于1959年3月10日公开撕毁《十七条协议》，悍然发动了全面武装叛乱。在这种情况下，为维护国家的统一和西藏人民的根本利益，中央人民政府与西藏人民一道坚决平息了武装叛乱。与此同时，在西藏掀起了一场轰轰烈烈的群众性民主改革运动，废除了政教合一的封建农奴制度，解放了百万农奴和奴隶，开创了西藏人民当家作主的新时代。这是西藏发展史上最广泛、最深刻、最伟大的社会变革，是西藏社会发展和人权进步的划时代的重大历史事件，也是人类文明发展史和世界人权史上具有重大意义的巨大进步。 |
Over the past half century, thanks to the care of the Central People's Government and aid from across the nation, the liberated people of all ethnic groups in Tibet have, in the capacity of masters of the nation, enthusiastically participated in the grand course of constructing a new society and creating their new lives, and worked miracles that had never happened in the Tibetan history. The social system of Tibet has developed by leaps and bounds; its modernization has advanced rapidly; Tibetan society has undergone earth-shaking historic changes; and remarkable progress has been made in the cause of human rights, which has attracted worldwide attention. | |
半个世纪以来，获得解放的西藏各族人民在中央人民政府的关心和全国人民的支援下，以主人翁的姿态和空前的热情投身建设新社会、创造新生活的伟大进程，创造了一个又一个西藏历史上亘古未有的奇迹。西藏的社会制度实现了跨越式发展，现代化建设日新月异、突飞猛进，社会面貌发生了翻天覆地的历史性变化，人权事业取得了举世瞩目的重大进展。 |
The year 2009 marks the 50th anniversary of the democratic reform in Tibet. It is conducive to telling the right from wrong in history and helps the world better understand a real Tibet in progress for us to review the overwhelming democratic reform and the profound historical changes that have taken place in Tibet over the past 50 years, to shed light on the laws governing the social development of Tibet, and expose through facts the various lies and rumors spread by the 14th Dalai Lama and his hard-core supporters over the so-called "Tibet issue," as well as the true colors of the 14th Dalai Lama himself. | |
今年是西藏实行民主改革50周年。回顾西藏实行民主改革这一波澜壮阔的历史进程和50年来西藏广泛深刻的历史巨变，揭示西藏社会发展的规律，用事实揭穿达赖集团在“西藏问题”上散布的各种谎言和十四世达赖喇嘛的本来面目，有助于澄清历史是非，让世人更好地了解一个真实的西藏、发展变化的西藏。 |
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| I. Old Tibet -- A Society of Feudal Serfdom under Theocracy | | 一、旧西藏政教合一的封建农奴制社会 |
Before the democratic reform in 1959, Tibet had been a society of feudal serfdom under theocracy, a society characterized by a combination of political and religious powers, and ruthless political oppression and economic exploitation of serfs and slaves by the serf-owner class, including three major estate-holders -- local administrative officials, aristocrats and upper-ranking lamas in the monasteries. For centuries, the Tibetan people had been living in dire misery and suffering from the harshness of life, and their society had sunk into a grave state of poverty, backwardness, isolation and decline, verging on total collapse. | |
1959年民主改革前，西藏处于政教合一的封建农奴制统治之下，由官家、贵族和寺院上层僧侣三大领主组成的农奴主阶级对广大农奴和奴隶进行极其残酷的政治压迫和经济剥削，西藏人民灾难深重、生存维艰，西藏社会陷入极度贫穷落后和封闭萎缩的状态。 |
-- Medieval theocratic society. British military journalist Edmund Candler, who visited Lhasa in 1904, recorded the details of the old Tibetan society in his book "The Unveiling of Lhasa": "...at present, the people are medieval, not only in their system of government and their religion, their inquisition, their witchcraft, their incarnations, their ordeals by fire and boiling oil, but in every aspect of their daily life." (The Unveiling of Lhasa, Edmund Candler. London: Pentagon, 2007) The most distinctive feature of the social system of old Tibet was theocracy, a system which ensured that the upper religious strata and the monasteries were together the political power holders as well as the biggest serf owners, possessing all kinds of political and economic privileges, and manipulating the material and cultural lives of the Tibetan people at their own advantage. Candler wrote in the book: "The country is governed on the feudal system. The monks are the overlords, the peasantry their serfs." "Powerful lamas controlled everything in Tibet, where even the Buddha himself couldn't do anything without the support of the lamas," he added. (The Unveiling of Lhasa, Edmund Candler. London: Pentagon, 2007) Statistics show that before the democratic reform in 1959, Tibet had 2,676 monasteries and 114,925 monks, including 500 senior and junior Living Buddhas and other upper-ranking lamas, and over 4,000 lamas holding substantial economic resources. About one quarter of Tibetan men were monks. The three major monasteries -- Drepung, Sera and Ganden -- housed a total of more than 16,000 monks, and possessed 321 manors, 147,000 mu (15 mu equal one hectare, it is locally called ke in Tibet -- ed.) of land, 450 pastures, 110,000 head of livestock, and over 60,000 serfs. The vicious expansion of religious power under theocracy depleted massive human resources and most material resources, shackled people's thinking and impeded the development of productivity. Charles Bell, who lived in Lhasa as a British trade representative in the 1920s, described in his book "Portrait of A Dalai Lama: The Life and Times of the Great Thirteenth" that the theocratic position of the Dalai Lama enabled him to administer rewards and punishments as he wished, because he held absolute power over both this life and the next of the serfs, and coerced them with such power. (Portrait of A Dalai Lama: The Life and Times of the Great Thirteenth, Charles Bell, London: Collins, 1946) American Tibetologist Melvyn C. Goldstein incisively pointed out that Tibetan society and government were built upon a value system dominated by religious goals and behavior. Religious power and privileges, and the leading monasteries "played a major role in thwarting progress" in Tibet. Religion and the monasteries "were heavy fetters upon Tibet's social progress". "This commitment... to the universality of religion as the core metaphor of Tibetan national identity will be seen... to be a major factor underlying Tibet's inability to adapt to changing circumstances." (A History of Modern Tibet, 1913-1951: The Demise of the Lamaist State, Melvyn C. Goldstein. California: University of California, 1991) | |
——政教合一的中世纪式社会形态。关于旧西藏的社会形态，1904年到过拉萨的英国随军记者埃德蒙·坎德勒在《拉萨真面目》中有详细的记载。他说，当时的西藏，“人民还停留在中世纪的年代，不仅仅是在他们的政体、宗教方面，在他们的严厉惩罚、巫术、灵童转世以及要经受烈火与沸油的折磨方面是如此，而且在他们日常生活的所有方面也都不例外”。（注1）旧西藏社会制度的最显著特征是政教合一，宗教上层和寺庙势力庞大，既是西藏的主要政治统治者，也是最大的农奴主之一，拥有众多的政治、经济特权，支配着人们的物质和精神生活。埃德蒙·坎德勒在《拉萨真面目》中说，“这个地方实行的是封建制度。喇嘛是太上皇，农民是他们的奴隶”。“强大的僧侣势力掌管一切。即使是佛陀本人，没有僧侣也无能为力”。（注2）据统计，民主改革前，西藏共有寺庙2676座，僧众114925人，其中大小活佛等上层僧侣约500人，掌握经济实权的僧侣共4000余人。当时西藏大约有四分之一的男子出家为僧。哲蚌、色拉、甘丹三大寺僧人人数一度超过1.6万人，共占有庄园321个、土地14.7万多克（1克相当于1亩）、牧场450个、牲畜11万头，占有农牧奴6万多人。宗教势力在政教合一制度下得到恶性膨胀，消耗了西藏大量人力资源和绝大部分物质财富，禁锢着人们的思想，成为妨碍生产力发展的沉重枷锁。20世纪20年代曾作为英国商务代表留驻拉萨多年的查尔斯·贝尔在《十三世达赖喇嘛传》中说，达赖喇嘛之所以能随心所欲地进行赏罚，就在于他的政教合一地位，他既掌握着农奴今生的生杀予夺大权，又掌握着他们“来世”的命运，并以此作要挟。（注3）美国藏学家梅·戈尔斯坦深刻地指出，“在西藏，社会和政府奠基于宗教目标与行为凌驾一切的价值系统之上”。“宗教的权力和特权及大寺院在阻挠进步方面扮演了主要角色”。还说，宗教和寺院集团是“西藏社会进步的沉重桎梏”，“正是由于全民族信教和宗教首领执掌政教大权这一因素，导致西藏丧失了适应不断变化的环境和形势的能力”。 |
-- Means of production mostly monopolized by the three major estate-holders. The three major estate-holders, that is, local administrative officials, aristocrats and upper-ranking lamas in the monasteries, and their agents, accounted for less than five percent of Tibet's population, but owned all of Tibet's farmland, pastures, forests, mountains, rivers and beaches, as well as most livestock. About 90 percent of old Tibet's population was made up of serfs, called "tralpa" in Tibetan (namely, people who tilled plots of land assigned to them and had to provide corvee labor for the serf owners) and "duiqoin" (small households with chimneys emitting smoke). They had no means of production or per-sonal freedom, and the survival of each of them depended on tilling plots for the estate-holders. In addition, "nangzan," who comprised five percent of the population, were hereditary slaves, known as "speaking tools." Statistics released in the early years of the Qing Dynasty in the 17th century indicate that Tibet then had more than three million mu of farmland, of which 30.9 percent was owned by the local feudal government, 29.6 percent by aristocrats, and 39.5 percent by monasteries and upper-ranking lamas. The three major estate-holders' monopoly of the means of production remained unchanged until the democratic reform in 1959.Before 1959, the family of the 14th Dalai Lama possessed 27 manors,30 pastures and over 6,000 serfs, and annually squeezed about 33,000 ke (one ke equals 14 kilograms -- ed.) of qingke (highland barley), 2,500 ke of butter, two million liang (15 liang of silver equal one silver dollar of the time) of Tibetan silver, 300 head of cattle, and 175 rolls of pulu (woolen fabric made in Tibet) out of its serfs. In 1959, the Dalai Lama alone owned 160,000 liang of gold, 95 million liang of silver, over 20,000 pieces of jewelry and jadeware, and more than 10,000 pieces of silk and satin fabric and rare fur clothing, including over 100 robes inlaid with pearls and gems, each worth tens of thousands of yuan. | |
——三大领主占有绝大部分生产资料。旧西藏的全部耕地、牧场、森林、山川、河流、河滩以及大部分牲畜，都由约占人口5%的官家、贵族、寺庙上层僧侣三大领主及其代理人占有。占西藏人口90%左右的“差巴”（领种份地，向农奴主支差役的人）、“堆穷”（意为冒烟的小户）是农奴，他们没有生产资料和人身自由，靠耕种份地维持生计。另有约5%的“朗生”是世代奴隶，被当成“会说话的工具”。据17世纪清朝初年统计，当时西藏约有耕地300万克，其中30.9%为封建地方政府占有，29.6%为贵族占有，39.5%为寺院和上层僧侣占有。此后，三大领主垄断生产资料的状况基本没有改变。据统计，民主改革前，十四世达赖喇嘛家族在西藏占有27座庄园、30个牧场，拥有农牧奴6000多人。每年在农奴身上榨取的青稞33000多克（1克相当于14公斤），酥油2500多克，藏银200多万两，牛羊300头，氆氇175卷。1959年，十四世达赖喇嘛本人手上有黄金16万两，白银9500万两，珠宝玉器2万多件，有各种绸缎、珍贵裘皮衣服1万多件，其中价值数万元的镶有珍珠宝石的斗篷100多件。 |
-- Serfs owned by the three major estate-holders. The local government of old Tibet prescribed that serfs must stay on the land within the manors of their owners, and were not allowed to leave without permission, and were strictly prohibited from fleeing the manors. They were serfs from generation to generation, confined to the land of their owners. All serfs and their livestock with labor ability had to till the plots of land assigned to them and provide corvee labor. Once the serfs lost their ability to labor, they were deprived of livestock, farm tools and land, and degraded to the status of slaves. The serf-owners literally possessed their serfs as private properties, they could trade and transfer them, present them as gifts, make them gambling stakes or mortgages for debt and exchange them. According to historical records, in 1943 the aristocrat Trimon Norbu Wan-gyal sold 100 serfs to a monk official at Kadron Gangsa, in the Drigung area, each serf for 60 liang of silver. He also sent 400 serfs to the Kunde Ling Monastery as a payment for a debt of 3,000 pin of silver (one pin equals 50 liang of silver). The serf-owners had a firm grip on the birth, death and marriage of serfs. A Tibetan ballad of the time goes, "Our lives were given to us by our parents, but our bodies are owned by our lords. We are not masters of our own lives or bodies, or of our own destiny." All serfs had to ask their owners for permission to marry, and male and female serfs not belonging to the same owner had to pay "redemption fees" before they could marry. After marriage, serfs were also taxed for their newborn children. Children of serfs were registered the moment they were born, sealing their life-long fate as serfs. | |
——三大领主占有农奴的人身。旧西藏地方政府规定，农奴只能固定在所属领主的庄园土地上，不得擅自离开，绝对禁止逃亡。农奴世世代代依附领主，被束缚在庄园的土地上。凡是人力和畜力能种地的，一律得种差地，并支乌拉差役。农奴一旦丧失劳动能力，就被收回牲畜、农具、差地，沦落为奴隶。农奴主占有农奴的人身，把农奴当作自己的私有财产支配，可随意用于赌博、买卖、转让、赠送、抵债和交换。1943年，大贵族车门·罗布旺杰把100名农奴卖给止贡地区噶珠康萨的僧官洛桑楚成，每个农奴的价钱是60两藏银（15两藏银约合一块银元），另外，他还把400名农奴送给功德林寺，抵3000品藏银（1品约合50两藏银）债。农奴主掌握着农奴的生、死、婚、嫁大权。正如当时的民谚所说：“生命虽由父母所生，身体却为官家占有。纵有生命和身体，却没有做主的权利。”农奴的婚姻必须取得领主的同意，不同领主的农奴婚嫁要缴纳“赎身费”。农奴生小孩要到领主那里缴纳出生税，登记入册，农奴的子女一出生就注定了终身为农奴的命运。 |
-- Rigid hierarchy. The "13-Article Code" and "16-Article Code," which were enforced for several hundred years in old Tibet, divided people into three classes and nine ranks, enshrining inequality between the different ranks in law. The Code stipulated that people were divided into three classes according to their family background and social positions, each class was further divided into three ranks. The upper class consisted of a small number of aristocrats from big families, high-rank Living Buddhas and senior officials; the middle class was composed of lower-ranking ecclesiastical and secular officials, military officers, and the agents of the three major kinds of estate-holders. Serfs and slaves constituted the lower class, accounting for 95 percent of Tibet's total population. The provision concerning the penalty for murder in the Code provided, "As people are divided into different classes and ranks, the value of a life also differs." The bodies of people of the highest rank of the upper class, such as a prince or Living Buddha, were literally worth their weight in gold. The lives of people of the lowest rank of the lower class, such as women, butchers, hunters and craftsmen, were only worth a straw rope. The "Report on the Prohibition against Taking in Descendents of Blacksmiths" kept in the Archives of the Tibet Autonomous Region showed that in 1953, when the 14th Dalai Lama found out that one of his servants was a blacksmith's descendent, he immediately expelled the servant, and announced that descendents of gold, silver and iron smiths, and butchers belonged to the lowest rank of the lower class, and were forbidden to serve in the government or marry people from other ranks or classes. Tibetologist Tom Grunfeld of the State University of New York, USA, noted in his book The Making of Modern Tibet that equality among mankind, though incorporated in the doctrines of Buddhism, unfortunately failed to prevent the Tibetan rulers from setting up their own rigid hierarchical system. | |
——森严的等级制度。旧西藏通行了几百年的《十三法典》和《十六法典》，将人分成三等九级，明确规定人们在法律上的地位不平等。《法典》规定：“人分上中下三等，每一等人又分上中下三级。此上中下三等，系就其血统贵贱、职位高低而定”。上等人是为数极少的大贵族、大活佛和高级官员；中等人是一般僧俗官员、下级军官以及三大领主的代理人；下等人是占西藏总人口95%的农奴和奴隶。《法典》杀人赔偿命价律中规定：“人有等级之分，因此命价也有高低。”上等上级的人如王子、大活佛，其命价为与其尸体等重的黄金；而下等下级的人如妇女、屠夫、猎户、匠人等，其命价仅为草绳一根。西藏自治区档案馆保存的《不准收留铁匠后裔的报告》记载：1953年，堆龙德庆县一个铁匠的后裔在十四世达赖喇嘛身边做事。当十四世达赖喇嘛发现他是铁匠的后代后立即将其赶走，并命令凡是出身金银铁匠、屠夫等家庭的人均是下等下级人，不能在政府里做事，不能和其他等级家庭通婚。美国纽约州立大学藏学家谭·戈伦夫在《现代西藏的诞生》中指出，人类平等是佛教教义中的一个要素。但是，不幸的是这未能阻止西藏人建立自己的等级制度。 |
-- Cruel political oppression and corporal punishments. As stipulated in the Tibet's local code, when serfs "infringe upon" the interests of the three estate-holders, the estate-holders can "have their eyes gouged out, legs hamstrung, tongues cut out, or hands severed, or have them hurled from a cliff, drowned or otherwise killed; such punishments are warning to others not to follow their example." Any serf "who voices grievances at the palace, behaving disgracefully, should be arrested and whipped; anyone who disobeys a master shall be arrested; anyone who spy on a master shall be arrested; a commoner who offends an official shall be arrested." When people of different classes and ranks violated the same criminal law, the criteria for imposing penalties and the means of punishment were quite different in old Tibet. As stipulated in the Code, a servant who fought and severely injured his master could have his hands or feet chopped off; but a master who injured a servant only need to give the servant medical treatment; and a servant who injured a Living Buddha was deemed to have committed a felony and would have his eyes gouged out, a limb amputated, or even put to death.
A Russian traveler in Lhasa in the early 20th century, wrote in his book "A Buddhist Pilgrim to the Holy Place of Tibet": "The offenders are mostly poverty-stricken Tibetans punished either by having their fingers or noses cut off, or, in most cases, by being blinded in both eyes. Such disfigured and blind people are seen begging in the streets of Lhasa every day. Exile is another type of punishment. Offenders are shackled and chained, and have to wear a large round wooden collar around their necks all their life. They are sent to remote regions for hard labor or work as serfs for feudal aristocrats and patriarchal chiefs. The most severe punishment of all is, of course, the death penalty, with the victims drowned in rivers (as in Lhasa) or thrown over rocky cliffs (as in Xigaze)." (A Buddhist Pilgrim to the Holy Place of Tibet, Gombojab Tsebekovitch Tsybikoff)
David MacDonald, a Briton, wrote in his book "The Land of the Lama": "Capital punishment is deemed the heaviest category of punishment in Tibet, to which the most inhuman practice of dismemberment is added based on the hypothesis proposed by Tibetanlamas that after dismemberment the human soul cannot be reincarnated. The most common practice is to throw the condemned prisoner into a river in a leather wrapper, which will sink in about five minutes. If he remains alive after this time, he will be tossed into the water again until he dies. Afterwards, the body will be dismembered, and hurled into the river to drift downward with the current... Even more appalling is the practice of gouging out a prisoner's eyes. A piece of heated, U-shaped iron is inserted into the eye sockets, or boiling water or oil is poured in, and the eyeballs are prized out with an iron hook." (The Land of the Lama, David MacDonald) | |
——残酷的政治压迫和刑罚。当时的西藏地方法典规定：农奴如果“触犯”了三大领主的利益，“按其情节不同挖其眼睛，削其腿肉，割舌，截手，推坠悬崖，抛入水中，或杀戮之，惩戒将来，以儆效尤”。农奴“向王宫喊冤，不合体统，应逮捕械击之；不受主人约束者拘捕之；侦探主人要事者拘捕之；百姓碰撞官长者拘捕之”。不同等级的人触犯同一刑律，其量刑标准和处置方法也大不相同。当时西藏的法典规定：凡仆人反抗主人，而主人受伤较重的，要砍掉仆人手和脚；如果主人打伤仆人，医疗即可；如打伤活佛，则犯了重罪，要挖眼、剁脚、断手或处以各种各样的极刑。20世纪初到过拉萨的俄国人崔比科夫在《佛教香客在圣地西藏》一书中写道：“在拉萨，每天都可以看到因贪图别人的财产而受到惩罚的人，他们被割掉了手指和鼻子，更多的是弄瞎了眼睛的、从事乞讨的盲人。其次，西藏还习惯于让罪犯终生脖套圆形小木枷，脚戴镣铐，流放到边远地区和送给贵族或各宗长官为奴。最重的处罚自然是死刑，办法是将人沉入河中淹死（在拉萨如此）或从悬崖上抛下去（在日喀则如此）”。（注5）英国人大卫·麦唐纳在《西藏之写真》中写道，“西藏最严重的刑罚为死刑，而喇嘛复造灵魂不能转生之臆说，于是最重之死刑外，又加之以解体干颅之惨状。其最普通的刑法，凡遇死罪，将犯人缝于皮袋之内，而掷于河中，以俟其死而下沉，皮袋在河面之上，约5分钟开始下降，后视其犹有生息，则再掷沉之，迨其已死，于是将其尸体由皮袋取出而肢解之，以四肢和躯体投之河中，随流而去…… 断肢之外，又有一种剜眼之凶刑，或用凹形之煨铁，置于眼内，或用滚油，或开水，倒于眼内，均足使其眼球失去视力，然后将其眼球用铁钩攫出”。（注6） |
There were penitentiaries or private jails in monasteries and aristocrats' residences, where instruments of torture were kept and clandestine tribunals held to punish serfs and slaves. In the Ganden Monastery there were many handcuffs, fetters, cudgels, and instruments of torture used for eye gouging and hamstringing. The private monastery administrative office set up by Trijang Rinpoche, junior tutor of the present 14th Dalai Lama, killed and injured more than 500 serfs and poor monks, in Dechen Dzong (present-day Dagze County) jailed 121 people, sent 89 into exile, forced 538 into slavery, forced 1,025 commoners into exile, forced 72 divorces, and 484 women were raped there. | |
寺庙和贵族都有监狱或私牢，可以自备刑具，私设公堂，惩罚农奴和奴隶，甘丹寺就有许多手铐、脚镣、棍棒和用来剜目、抽筋等残酷的刑具。十四世达赖喇嘛的副经师赤江在德庆宗设立的私人寺庙管理机构赤江拉让就曾经打死打伤农奴和贫苦僧人500多人，有121人被关进监狱，89人被流放，538人被逼迫当奴隶，1025人被逼迫逃亡，有72人被拆散婚姻，484名妇女被强奸。 |
In the Archives of the Tibet Autonomous Region there is a letter from a department of the Tibet local government to Rabden in the early 1950s, saying that, to celebrate the Dalai Lama's birthday, all the staff of Gyumey would chant the sutra. To successfully complete this ceremony, some special food would be thrown to the animals. Thus, a corpus of wet intestine, two skulls, many kinds of blood and a full human skin were urgently needed, all of which must be promptly delivered. A religious ceremony for the Dalai Lama used human blood, skulls and skin, showing how cruel and bloody the feudal serfdom system under theocracy was in old Tibet. | |
现存的20世纪50年代初西藏地方政府有关部门致热布典头目的一封信件内称：“为达赖喇嘛念经祝寿，下密院全体人员需要念忿怒十五施食回遮法。为切实完成此次佛事，需于当日抛食，急需湿肠一副、头颅两个、多种血、人皮一整张，望立即送来。”为达赖念经做法事要用人血、人头骨和人皮，旧西藏政教合一封建农奴制度的残忍和血腥由此可见一斑。 |
-- Heavy taxes and larvee. Serf owners exploited serfs by imposing corvee labor, taxes and levies, and rents for land and livestock. There were over 200 kinds of taxes levied by the former local government of Tibet alone. Serfs had to contribute more than50 percent or even 70 to 80 percent of their labor, unpaid, to the government and manor owners. At feudal manors, serf owners divided the land into two parts: Most fertile land was kept as manor demesne while infertile and remote lots were rented to serfs on stringent conditions. To use the lots, serfs had to work on the demesne with their own farm implements and provide their own food. Only after they had finished work on the demesne could they work on the lots assigned to them. In the busy farming season or when serf owners needed laborers, serfs had to contribute man and animal power gratis. In addition, serfs had to do unpaid work for the local government of Tibet and its subordinate organizations, among which the heaviest was transport corvee, because Tibet is large but sparsely populated and all kinds of things had to be transported by man or animal power. | |
——沉重的赋税和乌拉剥削。农奴主对农奴剥削的主要形式是包括徭役、赋税、地（畜）租在内的乌拉差役。仅西藏地方政府征收的差税就达200多种。农奴为地方政府和庄园领主所支的差，一般要占农奴户劳动量的50%以上，有的高达70%至80%。在封建庄园内，农奴主将土地分成两个部分：一大部分相对肥沃的土地，留作庄园的自营地；另一部分贫瘠的、边远的土地则是以奴役性的条件分给农奴使用的份地，农奴为了使用份地，必须自带农具、口粮，在庄园的自营地上进行无偿劳动，剩余的时间才能在自己的份地上劳动。在农忙或农奴主有事时，还要出人畜力无偿地为农奴主搬运物资、修建房屋，或做其他杂役劳动。除了庄园内差外，农奴还得给西藏地方政府及其下属机构支差，其中负担最重的是运输差，西藏地广人稀，交通不便，各种物资的运输全靠人背畜驮。 |
According to a survey conducted prior to the democratic reform of Tibet, the Darongqang Manor owned by Gyaltsap Tajtra had a total of 1,445 mu of land, and 81 able-bodied and semi-able-bodied serfs. They were assigned a total of 21,266 corvee days per year, the equivalent of an entire year's labor by 67.3 people, 83 percent of the total. The Khe-sum Manor, located by the Yarlung River in present-day Nedong County, was one of the manors owned by aristocrat Surkhang Wang-chen Gelek. Before the democratic reform, the manor had 59 serf households totaling 302 persons and 1,200 mu of land. Every year, Surkhang and his agents levied 18 taxes and assigned 14 kinds of corvee, making up 26,800 working days; the local government of Tibet levied nine kinds of taxes and assigned 10 kinds of corvee, making up more than 2,700 working days; and Riwo Choling Monastery levied seven kinds of taxes and assigned three kinds of corvee, making up more than 900 working days; on average, every laborer had to do over 210 days of unpaid work for the three estate-holders, and contribute over 800 kilograms of grain and 100 liang of silver. | |
据民主改革前调查，属于十四世达赖的摄政达扎的达隆绛庄园共有土地1445克，全劳力和半劳力农奴81人，全年共支差21266天，折合劳动量为67.3人全年服劳役，即83%的农奴全年无偿地为农奴主支差服役。位于山南地区乃东县雅砻河畔的克松庄园，是大贵族索康·旺清格勒的庄园之一。民主改革前，该庄园有农奴59户302人，土地1200克。每年庄园主索康及其代理人摊派的税收18项、差役14项，占劳动日26800天；西藏地方政府摊派的税收9项，差役10项，占劳动日2700多天；热乌曲林寺摊派的税收7项、差役3项，占劳动日900多天；平均每个劳动力每年要给三大领主服210多天的无偿劳役，提供和缴纳1600多斤粮食、100两藏银。 |
-- Exploitation through usury. Each Dalai Lama had two money-lending agencies. Some money coming from "tribute" to the Dalai Lama was lent at an exorbitant rate of interest. According to re-cords in the account books of the two agencies, in 1950 they lent 3,038,581 liang of silver as principal, and collected 303,858liang in interest. Governments at different levels in Tibet also had many such agencies, and lending money and collecting interest became one of the officials' duties. A survey done in 1959 showed that the three major monasteries, namely Drepung, Sera and Ganden, in Lhasa lent 22,725,822 kilograms of grain and collected 399,364 kilograms in interest, and lent 57,105,895 liang of silver and collected 1,402,380 liang in interest. Revenue from usury made up 25 to 30 percent of the total revenue of the three monasteries. Most aristocrats were also engaged in usury, with the interest accounting for 15 to 20 percent of their family revenues. Serfs had to borrow money to survive, and more than 90 percent of serf households were in debt. French traveler Alexandre David-Neel wrote in his book Le Vieux Tibet Face a la Chine Nouvelle (Old Tibet Faces New China), "All the farmers in Tibet are serfs saddled with lifelong debts, and it is almost impossible to find any of them who have paid off their debts." Serfs were burdened with new debts, debts passed down from previous generations, debts resulting from joint liability, and debts apportioned among all the serfs. The debts that were passed down from previous generations and could never be re-paid even by succeeding generations accounted for one third of the total debts. The grandfather of a serf named Tsering Gonpo in Maizho-kunggar County once borrowed 50 ke of grain from the Sera Monastery. In 77 years the three generations of the family had paid more than 3,000 ke of grain in interest, but the serf owner still claimed that Tsering Gonpo owed him 100,000 ke of grain. There was another serf named Tenzin in Dongkar County who borrowed one ke of qingke from his master in 1941. In 1951 he was ordered to pay back 600 ke. Tenzin could not pay off the debt, and had to flee. His wife committed suicide, and his seven-year-old son was taken away to repay the debt. | |
——惊人的高利贷盘剥。历代达赖喇嘛设有专管自己放债的机构“孜布”和“孜穷”，把每年对达赖的部分“供养”收入作为高利贷放给群众，牟取暴利。据1950年这两个放债机构账本的不完全记载，共放高利贷藏银3038581两，年收利息303858两。西藏各级地方政府设有为数不少的放债机构，放债、收息成为各级官员的行政职责。根据1959年的调查，拉萨哲蚌寺、色拉寺、甘丹寺三大寺共放债粮45451644斤，年收利息798728斤；放藏银57105895两，年收利息1402380两。高利贷盘剥的收入占三大寺总收入的25%至30%。贵族绝大多数也放高利贷，债息在其家庭收入中一般要占15%至20%。农奴为了活命不得不举债，欠债的农奴占农奴总户数的90%以上。法国旅行家亚历山大·达维·尼尔在《古老的西藏面对新生的中国》中说：“在西藏，所有农民都是终身负债的农奴，在他们中间很难找到一个已经还清了债务的人。” 农奴所负的债务有新债、子孙债、连保债、集体摊派债等等，其中三分之一以上是祖祖辈辈欠下的、永远还不清的子孙债。墨竹工卡县仁庆里乡农奴次仁贡布的祖父曾向色拉寺借粮债50克，祖父、父亲和他三代人还利息达77年，共付利息粮3000多克，可是债主说他还欠10万克粮食。东嘎宗农奴丹增1941年借了农奴主1克青稞，到1951年，农奴主要他还600克。丹增还不起债，只得逃往他乡，妻子被逼死，7岁的儿子被抓去抵债。 |
-- A stagnant society on the edge of collapse. Ruthless oppression and exploitation under the feudal serfdom of theocracy stifled the vitality of Tibetan society and reduced Tibet to a state of chronic stagnation for centuries. Even by the middle of the 20th century, Tibet was still in a state of extreme isolation and backwardness, almost without a trace of modern industry, commerce, science and technology, education, culture or health care. Primitive farming methods were still being used, and herdsmen had to travel from place to place to find pasture for their livestock.
There were few strains and breeds of grains and animals, some of which had even degenerated. Farm tools were primitive. The level of both the productive forces and social development was very low. Deaths from hunger and cold, poverty and disease were commonplace among the serfs, and the streets of Lhasa, Xigaze, Qamdo and Nagqu were crowded with male and female beggars of all ages. American Tibetologist A. Tom Grunfeld pointed out that, although some people claimed before 1959, ordinary Tibetan people could enjoy milk tea as they wished and a great deal of meat and vegetables, a survey conducted in eastern Tibet in 1940 showed that 38 percent of Tibetan families never had tea to drink, 51 percent could not afford butter, and 75 percent sometimes had to eat weeds boiled with ox bones and oat or bean flour. "There is no evidence to support the picture of Tibet as a Utopian Shangrila." | |
——社会停滞不前、濒临崩溃。政教合一的封建农奴制度的残酷压迫和剥削，严重窒息了社会的生机和活力，使得西藏长期处于停滞状态。直到20世纪中叶，西藏社会仍然处于极度封闭落后的状态，现代工商业和现代科技、教育、文化、卫生事业几乎是空白，农业生产长期采用原始的耕作方式，牧业生产基本采取自然游牧方式，农牧品种单一退化，劳动工具得不到改进，生产力水平和整个社会的发展水平极其低下。广大农奴饥寒交迫，生存维艰，因饥寒贫病而死者不计其数。拉萨、日喀则、昌都、那曲等城镇中，乞丐成群，到处可见满街要饭的老人、妇女和儿童。美国藏学家谭·戈伦夫指出，虽然有人声称1959年以前一般西藏人的生活中有喝不完的奶茶、大量的肉食和各种蔬菜，但是1940年对藏东地区的一项调查表明：38%的家庭从来没有茶喝，51%的家庭吃不起酥油，75%的家庭有时不得不吃和牛骨头一起煮的、与燕麦面或豆面搀和在一起的野草。“没有证据证明西藏是一个乌托邦理想的世外桃源”。 |
Plenty of evidence demonstrated that by the middle of the 20th century the feudal serfdom of theocracy was beset with numerous contradictions and plagued by crises. Serfs petitioned their masters for relief from their burdens, fled their lands, resisted paying rent and corvee labor, and even waged armed struggle. Ngapoi Ngawang Jigme, once a Galoin (cabinet minister) of the former local government of Ti-bet, pointed out that "all believe that if Tibet goes on like this the serfs will all die in near future, and the aristocrats will not be able to live either. The whole Tibet will be destroyed." (The highest school of the Gelug Sect in Tibet. - ed.) | |
大量事实证明，到20世纪中叶，政教合一的封建农奴制度在西藏已经走到了尽头。西藏社会矛盾重重、危机四伏，广大农奴为摆脱绝境不断发动请愿、逃亡、抗租抗差和武装反抗。曾任旧西藏地方政府噶伦的阿沛·阿旺晋美曾指出：“大家均认为照老样子下去，用不了多久，农奴死光了，贵族也活不成，整个社会就得毁灭。”（注7） |
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| II. Momentous Democratic Reform in Tibet | | 二、波澜壮阔的西藏民主改革 |
Carrying out democratic reform and abolishing the feudal serfdom of theocracy was an inevitable requirement for social progress. It was a major task of the people's democratic revolution led by the Communist Party of China, and was the only solution for social development in Tibet. Moreover, it reflected the yearning of the overwhelming majority of the Tibetan people. In 1959, the Central People's Government carried out a great historical reform in Tibetan history, and profoundly changed the fate of the Tibetan people by launching the democratic reform and abolishing serfdom, a grim and backward feudal system. | |
实行民主改革，废除政教合一的封建农奴制度，是人类社会进步发展的必然要求，是中国共产党领导的人民民主革命的重要任务，更是西藏社会发展的唯一出路和广大西藏人民的迫切愿望。1959年，中央人民政府在西藏实行民主改革，废除了极端腐朽、黑暗的封建农奴制度，完成了西藏历史上划时代的伟大变革，深刻地改变了西藏人民的命运。 |
The People's Republic of China was founded in 1949, when the Chinese People's Liberation Army (PLA) won decisive victories over the Kuomintang troops. Beiping (now Beijing) and provinces like Hunan, Yunnan, Xinjiang and the former Xikang were all liberated peacefully from the rule of the former Kuomintang government. In light of the actual situation in Tibet, the Central People's Government also decided to use peaceful means to liberate Tibet. In January 1950, the Central People's Government formally notified the local authorities of Tibet to "send delegates to Beijing to negotiate the peaceful liberation of Tibet." In February 1951, the14th Dalai Lama sent Ngapoi Ngawang Jigme as his chief plenipotentiary, and Kemai Soinam Wangdui, Tubdain Daindar, Tubdain Legmoin and Sampo Dainzin Toinzhub as delegates to Beijing to handle with full power the negotiations with the Central People's Government. On May 23, 1951, the "17-Article Agreement" was signed in Beijing and Tibet was thus liberated peacefully. The peaceful liberation enabled Tibet to shake off the trammels imposed by imperialist aggressors, brought to an end to the long-term isolation of Tibet and stagnancy of its social development, thus creating favorable conditions for democratic reform and social progress in Tibet. | |
1949年，在中国人民解放战争取得决定性胜利的背景下，中华人民共和国宣告成立，北平、湖南、云南、新疆、西康等省市在此前后相继以和平方式实现解放。中央人民政府根据西藏的实际情况，决定对西藏也采取和平解放的方针，并于1950年1月正式通知西藏地方当局“派出代表到北京谈判西藏和平解放”。1951年2月，十四世达赖喇嘛任命阿沛·阿旺晋美为首席全权代表，凯墨·索安旺堆、土丹旦达、土登列门和桑颇·登增顿珠等四人为代表，赴北京全权处理和中央人民政府谈判事宜。1951年5月23日，中央人民政府和西藏地方政府的代表签订了关于和平解放西藏办法的《十七条协议》，西藏实现和平解放。和平解放使西藏摆脱了帝国主义侵略势力的羁绊，打破了西藏社会长期封闭、停滞的局面，为西藏的民主改革和发展进步创造了条件。 |
The "17-Article Agreement" gained the approval and support of people of all ethnic groups in Tibet. In September 26-29th, 1951, the local Tibetan government held a meeting to discuss the Agreement, joined by all ecclesiastical and secular officials and representatives from the three prominent monasteries. The participants concurred that the Agreement "is of great and incomparable benefit to the grand cause of the Dalai Lama, Buddhism, politics, economy and other aspects of life in Tibet. Naturally, it should be carried out." The 14th Dalai Lama sent a telegram to Chairman Mao Zedong on October 24, 1951, stating that "On the basis of friendship, the delegates of the two sides signed on May 23, 1951 the Agreement on Measures for the Peaceful Liberation of Tibet. The local Tibetan government as well as ecclesiastical and secular people unanimously support this Agreement, and, under the leadership of Chairman Mao and the Central People's Government, will actively assist the PLA troops entering Tibet in consolidating national defense, ousting imperialist forces from Tibet and safeguarding the unification of the territory and the sovereignty of the motherland." In 1954, the14th Dalai Lama and the 10th Panchen Lama participated in the First National People's Congress (NPC) in Beijing, with the former elected vice-chairman of the NPC Standing Committee and the latter a member of the same committee. The 14th Dalai Lama addressed the meeting, fully endorsing the achievements made since the implementation of the "17-Article Agreement" three years ago, and expressing his warm support for the principles and rules regarding the regional autonomy of ethnic minorities. On April 22, 1956, he became chairman of the Tibet Autonomous Region Preparatory Committee. In a speech at the founding of the committee, he reaffirmed that the Agreement "had enabled the Tibetan people to fully enjoy all rights of ethnic equality and to embark on a bright road of freedom and happiness."
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《十七条协议》得到西藏各族人民的赞成和拥护。1951年9月26日至29日，西藏地方政府召开有全体僧俗官员、三大寺代表参加的大会，对《十七条协议》进行专门讨论，认为该协议“对于达赖之宏业，西藏之佛法、政治、经济诸方面，大有裨益，无与伦比，理当遵照执行”。十四世达赖喇嘛于10月24日致电毛泽东主席，表示“双方代表在友好基础上，已于1951年5月23日签订了关于和平解放西藏办法的协议。西藏地方政府及藏族僧俗人民一致拥护，并在毛主席及中央人民政府的领导下，积极协助人民解放军进藏部队，巩固国防，驱逐帝国主义势力出西藏，保护祖国领土主权的统一”。1954年，十四世达赖、十世班禅联袂赴北京参加第一届全国人民代表大会，并分别当选为全国人大常委会副委员长和全国人大常委会委员。十四世达赖喇嘛在会上发言，充分肯定三年多来执行《十七条协议》取得的成绩，对民族区域自治的原则和规定表示热烈拥护。1956年4月22日，十四世达赖喇嘛就任西藏自治区筹备委员会主任委员，他在筹委会成立大会上致词时再次肯定《十七条协议》使西藏人民“充分享受到民族平等的一切权利，开始走上了自由幸福的光明大道”。
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